While Paris Was Burning, Hartford Sizzled

While Paris Was Burning, Hartford Sizzled
(Dir. Liesegang, Stillson, Smith and Anja, 2004, USA , video, 40 min)
This first-of-its-kind documentary takes an in-depth look at Hartford’s “houses” of the ‘90s. Contains rare footage of drag competitions between the houses and interviews with house members. Don’t miss this little gem of Hartford’s queer history.

This film premiered to a sold out Cinestudio audience at the 2004 CT Gay and Lesbian Film Festival on June 5, 2004 at 7:30 PM.

The film is embedded below for your viewing pleasure (click here to go to video page, click here to report viewing problems).

Pasted below is a paper written by Rebecca Boyden in 1994 as part of her Urban Anthropology course at Eastern CSU.

The House of Pleasure:

A Social Organization in Hartford’s Gay Community

Rebecca Boyden

Urban Anthropology

Eastern Connecticut State University

Instructor: Allison Bingham

December 1994

Shameless is channel surfing. A dark-blond, animated man in his twenties with slight mustache and goatee, he wears glasses, jeans and a t-shirt. He finds a station blaring rock music, with a high-fashion model walking a runway. The TV model is tall and leggy, wearing a tight black bustier, french-cut shorts and thigh high patent leather boots. She swirls herself in a veil of black chiffon. Shameless ‘walks’ the rug in front of the TV like a runway, singing and moving in time to the music. “Oh I wish I had the body to dress like that”. In the ensuing banter with the others present, the conversation is peppered with ‘girl’, ‘hon’ and ‘darling’ used interchangeably to address both the men and the women in the room.

Introduction

In Hartford (and in many other cities) there are ‘Houses”¹, social organizations of men and women who are gay, lesbian, bisexual and straight, which provide for them social and emotional support. Originally formed in New York City in the early 1980’s, the Houses created communities for the cross-dressing population of the city. With a senior ‘drag queen’ as leader, each House organized elaborate ‘Balls’, providing opportunities for participants to ‘walk’ in the costume of their choice. The New York Houses provided a haven for gay men, often young African-Americans and Hispanics who had been rejected by their families and society because they like to dress in drag.² Hartford’s Houses (the first founded in 1991) have broadened the concept to become diverse organizations, with social agendas and community activism taking their place in importance next to the Balls. These Houses, with ‘grandmothers’, ‘mothers’, ’sons’ and ‘daughters’ are a growing social institution for many in Hartford’s gay community. The purpose of my study is to explore the Houses as social organizations, with special attention to structure, ritual and language. In addition, I will look at how cultural traditions affect our perception of this aspect of gay life.

Family Structure in Non-kin Organizations: Using the family structure for a non-kin organization is widely accepted. Calling non-family by family names³, or considering a group a family, is seen everywhere; in the den-mother of the scouts, the padre in the church or the family arrangement of group homes. However, groups de-emphasizing kin, such as age-set groups⁴, professional organizations and common interest groups occur just as frequently. In my study I hoped to discover the significance of ‘family’ as the structure choice for the Houses.

Group Ritual: Ritual is an accepted part of most organizations and often provides an emotional catharsis and a heightened sense of community.⁵ Whether a scouts jamboree or a traditional dance in Mali, West Africa (Dettwyler: 116), ritual can provide an outlet for physical and emotional energy in exciting and creative ways. I was curious about the ritualistic aspect of the House Balls.

Gender, Role and Language: Cultures around the world establish their own standards for gender roles and identification.⁶ The language of a culture reflects choices made by individuals and the society within that culture. In addition, special languages exclusive to a sub-group, can reflect an even greater definition of roles and relationships. I was interested in the relationship between the insider language of the House and the sexual orientation of its members.

Field Setting and Data collection Methods

I conducted my study in Hartford, where I was a participant observer at two house-meetings of the House of Pleasure, founded in 1991. My key informant was Richard Stillson, founder and ‘mother’ of the House, with whom I had two interviews. I also interviewed several individual members of the house. The meetings and interviews took place at The Gay, Lesbian and Bisexual Community Center in Hartford. As background for my research I also viewed Paris is Burning”, a landmark film about the Houses and ‘Drag Balls’ of New York City.

House-meeting

It is the first Sunday of the month, and I am at the meeting of The House of Pleasure. We are in a large informal room with a big table at one end and a quartet of mismatched sofas augmented by easy chairs at the other. The room has the slightly shabby hominess of a dormitory living room. The floor is carpeted, the lighting from the table and floor lamps is warm and friendly, and posters about AIDS prevention grace the walls. The television is mounted high on a shelf in one corner. A half-dozen sons and daughters of the House of Pleasure are assembled.

Stormy Pleasure, (her ‘house name’, chosen for identity within the group; all names used herein are ‘house names’.) “the only son of the House of Pleasure” (her words) is a short, slightly chubby young woman, with short brown hair. She is wearing a man’s shirt and trousers. She is active and excitable, moving and talking a lot. She carries a magicmarkered poster which reads “VOTE take out the litter, take out the trash”.

Chastity Pleasure is a slim, dark-haired woman, with an asymmetrical haircut and bright red lipstick. She is wearing a short black pleated skirt with layers of dark red sweaters and broad raccoon striped tights with ‘Doc Martin’ shoes. She has a poised manner and a wide beautiful smile.

Screaming Pleasure, with dark-blond, wavy hair, lies on one of the sofas, nursing a cold. She has a delicate, almost elfin face and is dressed in boots, pants and a baggy pullover. She is fortifying herself with a bottle of fruit juice. She has also brought a pad of paper with her and takes notes throughout the meeting.

Kosher Pleasure is a slim, blond young man with short hair and a ‘three-day-old’ beard . He is dressed casually in jeans and a nondescript shirt. His manner is measured and restrained.

Massive Pleasure, a very chubby, young, black man is dressed in baggy blacks and has a pierced nostril. He is eating sun-chips which he offers around. He has a youthful, bouncy style and friendly, open face.

Shameless Pleasure, our runway walker, continues his animated and aggressive behavior throughout the meeting, jumping up to make comments and exchanging friendly jibes with the other members.

Mucha Mucha Pleasure, the founder and the mother of the House of Pleasure arrives, with token gifts (necklaces of amber plastic beads) for his ‘children’ and photographs from the last ball. He is a large, sweet-faced man, wearing white, drawstring, waffle weave cotton shorts, a Curry for Governor t-shirt and one black and one red flip-flop. Around his head is a bandanna, worn kerchief style. He has a several days growth, salt-and-pepper beard and wears glasses. He carries a three-ringed binder which contains his notes for running the meeting. He seats himself on one of the sofas and opens the meeting with the list of items on the agenda.

Throughout the meeting participation is lively and involved. Sometimes hands are raised, sometimes not. Emotions run the range from friendly bickering to serious exchanges. Stormy and Shameless lead the group in energy and extroversion with Stormy at one point crossing the room to squish herself in on the sofa next to Kosher.

The items on the agenda include the Metro Awards⁷, an upcoming Ball being given by the House of Bijan, House of Pleasure’s Ball in March, political statements, and other House business such as membership and dues.

Mucha tells us that Pleasure has garnered seven nominations for Metro Awards, which “shows our diversity and community achievement”. He is hoping for a big win on Awards night, November 21st, which will show that Pleasure is a “really fierce house”. ⁸ Next on the agenda: Hartford’s House of Bijan is giving a Ball in December. Bijan is a relatively new House; it was formed in 1993 and just recently gave its first Ball. Having a successful Ball is what gives a House legitimacy.⁹ Bijan is giving its December Ball in Springfield, Mass. which is questioned by several people. Why is a Hartford House giving a Ball in Springfield? Mucha explains that there is the desire in Springfield to start a House but “they don’t know how to do it”. Bijan’s ball is a way to help them out. General commentary follows such as “I guess should take back the bad things I said about Bijan” and “I guess we should stop being ’shady”. Stormy comments “I didn’t hear no shade.”‘ 10

Mucha says, “Let’s get beyond the competition,” and moves to the next topic, Pleasure’s ball in March. They are combining their mini-ball with the stepping down of Empress of the State for the Imperial Court of Connecticut.¹¹ The Empress is Lola Pleasure, also the Queen Mother of the House of Pleasure. The suggested and then approved theme is Royal or Royalty. Categories (for ‘walking’ the runway¹²) and a category committee need to be chosen.

Mucha: “Who will be on the category committee?” (A flurry of responses.) “OK, that’s Stormy, Chastity, Shameless and Massive.”

Shameless: “That’s good. That gives us a butch queen, a femme queen, a butch dyke and a femme dyke.” ¹³

Screaming: “What about a soft butch?”

Someone else: “That’s a gray area. That don’t count.”

Mucha asks how many categories and the number twelve, with a thirteenth grand prize, is settled on. The breakdown is three butch queen, three femme queen, three women as women and three open to all. The committee will come up with specific titles for the categories.

The discussion then moves to the colors for the ball. Purple and crimson are both suggested as royal colors. Stormy says, “I don’t want no purple. I want black so I can just rent a tux.” Dark red or crimson and black, with white or silver accessories are chosen. The decision provokes the following commentary:

Chastity: “No white, I look terrible in white.”

Massive: (looking through photos) ” (name eluded me) not going to wear that gown again! She wore that to -(another event)!”
Stormy: “I’m not going to shop for this ball.”

Chastity: “I’ll help you shop.”

Kosher: “I’ve got to find a designer I can afford.”

A discussion of names for the ball yields little beyond plays on the royal aspect and Mucha moves on to the tasks involved. There are other committees. There’s the program, the flier, the poster and a discussion of beneficiaries.

Hartford’s houses put on balls for fun and recognition, but the money raised is not for themselves but for community organizations. At $20 to $30 a ticket, groups such as The Connecticut AIDS Action Council and the Community Center where the meeting is being held, benefit greatly from these events. The discussion ends with Mucha saying “Think about it.”

The meeting moves to politics and Mucha recommends that everyone vote for Curry; he praises Curry’s willingness to reach out to the gay community and support their needs. Flippant banter regarding Curry is tossed about. Miles Rapoport is also endorsed but generates no banter.

Mucha tells the group of a woman (in Hartford) whose son in California is dying of AIDS. “He’s only got a few more days” , and suggests people send her cards and flowers. “I’ve got the address,” he says.

Following this, there is a discussion of membership, with Mucha pleading with the members to be more grown-up.” With community programs and political activism a large part of their agenda, it’s important for the House to have a good reputation. There is then a fifteen or twenty minute closed session (members only) where the membership votes on ousting certain members from the house. I return as the meeting breaks up with the classic “Pay your dues”.

Purpose and Structure of the House of Pleasure

After the meeting I sit down to talk with Mucha. As my key informant, he is not only providing an insider’s perspective for me, he is also ‘catching my mistakes’; he is making sure that I don’t assign undo importance to a remark or misinterpret behavior. Given the short duration of my study I am dependent on Mucha to help me sort my information. In this, and a later interview, we discuss the history of the House, its social structure, and what it means to its members.

I ask him why he started a House.

“It was an opportunity to empower.” he responds “The Balls are a response to society saying we couldn’t do ‘femme’ things.”

He goes on to talk about how for him the House is so much more. It is about giving to the community; it is about providing support and love for men and women who need approval; it’s an opportunity for theatrics; and for him personally, an opportunity to nurture. I saw this clearly, in the gentleness with which he treated his children. I also saw the teacher, the mentor and the counselor, as he led his charges through the process of decision-making and self government. We talk about the ‘family’ structure, and the different roles within the House. Stormy joins us, curling up on the sofa next to Mucha. I ask her why she joined the House, and she says she “wanted to give something into (sic) the community.” I heard this sentiment over and over again, as I asked the members why they had joined the House or what their House meant to them: A sense of community; a needed community; a way to do something for the community. As Mucha said to me “Ultimately, it’s not about Balls.”

Findings

The House of Pleasure is a Family: The House of Pleasure is a community formation created to provide support and guidance for young gays and lesbians. Although it does not exclude “straights”, it is clear that the need is greater for gays and lesbians. By taking on the role of family for these men and women, a fictive-kin network is created, fulfilling their need for a family that understands and supports their sexual orientation. The idea of youth groups is common in many societies; they provide peer group support for the experience of growing up and becoming part of adult society.14 One example is the friendship groups of Harar, Ethiopia. However, there a distinction is made between the importance of family and the importance of friendship; “Friends are, above all, equals and thus should not be confused with relatives.” (Waldron: 397). In taking on the mantle of family, the House is emphasizing the fact that for many young gays and lesbians, their blood families are not supportive. The House, for many, functions as family and peer group in one, providing love, support and a social identity for its membership, as it aids them in their passage into being proud members of gay society.

Ritual in an Outsider Group: The rituals of the House are rooted in the reality that gays and lesbians are outsiders in American society. Because of their marginal state they have a need for a rite of passage that is appropriate for their community.¹⁵ The membership in the House and the participation in the Balls provide a substitute for family gatherings and traditional school dances within a cultural context that supports and celebrates gay life. It also creates a sense of solidarity and belonging for its members. The Balls are rites of passage and rituals of achievement, with actors who perform prescribed roles and functions, as well as a chance to spoof the styles and rituals of the society that excludes them. They also provide release from the restrictions of that same society.

A Confusion of Gender, Role & Language: The roles that the different members of the House take on reflect both social and sexual identities. The two converge to create a social institution whose appearance and language are at odds with our social conditioning.

Roles, familial relationships and gender identification are often identified through an insider language.¹⁶ In speaking of Kosher, Mucha refers to him as ’she; he might also call him his ‘daughter’. When I first met Mucha he introduced himself: “Hi, I’m Mucha Mucha Pleasure, the mother of the House of Pleasure, and this is my son Stormy.”, indicating the young woman by his side. As I explored this gender/role language, I found myself caught; do I say ’she’ for Kosher? A conversation could proceed like this:

Me: “Would Kosher identify someone of the house as a member of his family?”

Mucha: “If it was the right kind of gathering, she would.”

Me: “How would he introduce Massive to another friend, say, at this gathering?”

Mucha: “She might say, ‘This is my sister, Massive Pleasure.”

As an outsider to their group, I was not comfortable, nor was I perhaps expected, to refer to Kosher as Ishe’.¹⁷ However, there was no problem with their using their gender/role language in front of me. (This “You say tomato, I say tomahto” style made me feel at times as if I was in two conversations at once.) For House members, family names and pronouns can be used without consideration of either blood relationship or gender. Through this usage, the House members emphasize both their sexual orientation and the importance of the surrogate family. This argot, “reflects the special needs found in the cultural world of Ethel speakers” (Nash, 78) and deepens the intimacy within the family.

Conclusion

In its function, use of ritual, and insider language, The House of Pleasure is like many institutions in American culture. Brotherhood organizations, such as the Freemasons, maintain the age-old traditions of the secret society, with select memberships and special rituals. The special society and the holding of elaborately dressed rituals are accepted parts of American culture. To an outsider however, some of the styles and traditions of The House of Pleasure, an ‘in’ group of men dressing in drag for Balls who call the leader of their group ‘mother’, represent outrageous, “fringe” or subculture¹⁸ behavior in our society.

Men in brightly colored gowns and sparkling accessories parade between throngs of their friends and supporters. The